It was the largest shipment of Iranian arms ever intercepted by Israel, and the Israeli government was not about to pass up an opportunity to publicly expose Tehran’s deceptive activities. An Israeli naval commando operation conducted in the late hours of November 3, seized roughly 500 tons of weaponry from the German-owned, Antiguan-flagged ship, the Francop, in the Mediterranean Sea as it was en route to the Syrian port of Latakia. The Israeli military claimed the weapons on board the Francop were intended for Hezbollah and on November 11 released documents and photos it said proved Iran’s complicity.
Seeking to maximize the media value of the incident, the Israeli Foreign Ministry invited diplomatic representatives to view the array of weaponry displayed at the Ashdod port. The Israeli Defense Forces (IDF) quickly released video footage of both the interception operation and the arms haul itself.
Such a high-profile Israeli interdiction of Iranian arms shipments is not without precedent. Back in 2002, Israel claimed that Iran was behind the shipment of 40-50 tons worth of weaponry seized by the Israeli Navy from the Karine A. The Israelis claimed the arms were intended for Palestinians engaging in the Second Intifada. But the 500-ton haul seized from the Francop greatly eclipses that of the Karine A.
Israel has been intent on proving, beyond the shadow of a doubt, that Iran continues to be in violation of U.N. Resolution 1701, which ended the 34-day Second Lebanon War in 2006. The resolution prohibits the delivery of arms or arms-related equipment into Lebanon and was written specifically with Hezbollah in mind. Additionally, Israel is keen to make the international community aware that Iran also is in breach of U.N. Resolution 1747, which bans Iran from selling or delivering arms to outside actors. The latter resolution is of particular importance to Israel as it was drawn up with Iran’s nascent nuclear program in mind.
The drama surrounding the interdiction of the Francop is indicative of the larger contest played out between Israel and Iran beneath the public’s radar - one that has only intensified as the development clock for Iran’s nuclear program continues to tick. Wary of potential Israeli strikes against its nuclear or military infrastructure, Iran seeks a balance against Israel’s qualitative defense-technological edge.
Lacking the conventional means to apply military pressure on Israel, Iran must seek alternative ways to project power beyond its borders. Militant groups operating on Israel’s periphery - primarily Hamas in the Gaza Strip and Hezbollah in southern Lebanon - offer Iran ideal proxy elements through which to squeeze the Israelis and force the IDF to apply resources to contain their activities.
Though Hezbollah acts independently, it is widely recognized that it receives arms, training and funding from Iran and is therefore influenced by Tehran. Hamas, too, is believed to receive much of its weaponry from Iran according to Israeli officials, including rockets capable of striking at distances of 60km, far enough to hit the Israeli city of Tel Aviv.
Because of Israel’s and the international community’s vigilance in blocking the flow illicit armaments into Gaza and Lebanon, the Iranians have had to seek alternate routes and more creative ways through which to channel its military cargo into end-user hands. Whether by sea, air or land, Iran can flood the region with arms knowing that even if some shipments are intercepted, others will ultimately reach their destination. Indeed, according to reports, since the end of the Second Lebanon War in 2006, Hezbollah continues to replenish and increase its stocks of missiles and rockets and is ramping up for another round of fighting with the IDF in the event Israel launches a pre-emptive strike on Iran.
Though the weaponry found on board the Francop - 2,800 107mm and 127mm rockets, 9,000 mortars, 20,000 fragmentation grenades and various ammunition-types - represents about only 10 percent of Hezbollah’s current stocks according to the IDF and therefore does little to offset the Israeli advantage in modern firepower and armor, the group does not place particular emphasis upon conventional military tactics, relying instead upon asymmetrical means and hit-and-run guerrilla attacks. While not able to provide much in the way of advanced military platforms, Iran’s defense industry is quite capable of churning out such small arms and ordnance under its Defense Industries Organization umbrella and is known to produce a wide variety of missiles, mostly Iranian versions of Russian, Chinese and North Korean types.
It is this very threat of rocket and missile bombardment that worries Israeli government officials, who have to answer to the public for civilian casualties resulting from such attacks. Because of the risks to Israel of rocket and missile attacks emanating from as near as Gaza and southern Lebanon or as far as Syria or Iran, the IDF has responded by developing a multilayered, modern air-defense network.
The Israeli approach focuses on five separate ‘tiers’, or rings, each designed to protect against missiles and rockets striking from various distances. The U.S. has aided Israel in its missile-defense efforts by providing it with one of its TPY-2 forward-based X-band transportable (FBX-T) ballistic missile detection and tracking radars and has also allocated around $177 million in 2009 funding for programs such as the Arrow-3 missile defense program (the outermost rung in the air-defense network) and David’s Sling.
But to some observers, of greater concern than the flow of Iranian weapons has been the suspect timing of the Francop interdiction. The weapons haul uncovered by the Israelis occurs at a moment the U.S. administration is trying to heighten diplomatic engagement with Iran. A public reminder that Tehran cannot be trusted does little to aid such efforts. It should be noted that the instance concerning the Karine A also collided with U.S.-Iranian efforts to work closer behind the scenes in support of the U.S. Operation Enduring Freedom endeavor in Afghanistan. This initial level of U.S.-Iran engagement was in part undone by the incident. Critics of Israeli policy point to parallels between the Francop and Karine A episodes.
But the fact is the U.S. has agreed with the Israeli version of events surrounding the Francop. Earlier in the year, the U.S. Navy stopped a Cypriot-flagged ship, the Monchegorsk, in the Red Sea, which had been chartered by the Islamic Republic of Iran Shipping Lines. Weaponry, including mortars and artillery shells, was found on board the Syrian-bound ship - weaponry the U.S. believed was being delivered to Hamas. Also, in late October, UNIFIL peacekeeping forces in southern Lebanon uncovered Katyusha rockets of make similar to those seized on the Francop. The Katyusha (BM-21) has been a staple weapon of both Hamas and Hezbollah, and though often described as inaccurate, is effectively used by both groups to target Israeli population centers and terrorize its citizenry.
Despite Israel’s success in stopping the Francop shipment, it remains just one incident in an ongoing struggle between two foes. Iran, Hezbollah and Syria each rebuffed Israeli charges concerning their involvement. Public denials notwithstanding, Israel is not about to stop intercepting Iranian cargo it suspects of being delivered to Hamas and Hezbollah. As recently as nine months ago, the Israeli Air Force wiped out a weapons convoy in Sudan that it claimed was destined for Egypt and ultimately into the hands of Hamas (several Iranian Revolutionary Guards Corps members were believed to be among the victims). The Iranians may change their routes and techniques, but they should expect similar IDF efforts to foil any future smuggling attempts.
